Category: Immigration

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FAN 199.9 (First Amendment News) First Amendment Prohibits ICE from Retaliating Against Immigrant Rights Activists, Legal Groups Argue

NEW YORK (Sept. 11, 2018) — The First Amendment prohibits the government from retaliating against noncitizen activists for peacefully protesting the government’s immigration activities, according to an amicus brief filed by the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, Georgetown Law’s Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection, and the Roderick & Solange MacArthur Justice Center.“Immigration, including the treatment of noncitizens, has been a touchstone of political debate in the United States,” said Ramya Krishnan, staff attorney at the Knight Institute. “Allowing the government to deport noncitizens for criticizing the nation’s immigration policies would silence crucial voices on a political issue central to the national conversation, and enable a practice that the U.S. government has condemned in other countries around the world.”

Seth Wayne

Ravi Ragbir (credit: NY Daily News)

Ravi Ragbir, a prominent immigrant rights activist, filed suit to prevent U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) from deporting him to Trinidad & Tobago after 25 years of living in the United States. According to the lawsuit, Ragbir v. Homan, it was Ragbir’s First Amendment-protected activism that motivated ICE to begin removal proceedings. Ragbir seeks an injunction preventing his removal on this basis and preventing governmental retaliation against other noncitizen activists for the exercise of their First Amendment rights. The district court denied the injunction, and that decision is now pending before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

“The right to engage in peaceful advocacy and protest lies at the very heart of the First Amendment,” said Seth Wayne, a litigator at Georgetown Law’s Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection. “It’s therefore particularly concerning to see the government retaliating against activists by seeking to remove them from the country as a way to silence them. We’re proud to stand alongside the Knight Institute and the MacArthur Justice Center to defend essential First Amendment rights.”

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UCLA Law Review Vol. 64, Issue 6

Volume 64, Issue 6 (December 2017)
Articles

Inner-City Anti-Poverty Campaigns Anthony V. Alfieri 1374
Movement Lawyers in the Fight for Immigrant Rights Sameer M. Ashar 1464
From Stop and Frisk to Shoot and Kill: Terry v. Ohio’s Pathway to Police Violence Devon W. Carbado 1508
The Puzzle of Social Movements in American Legal Theory Scott L. Cummings 1554
Varieties of Constitutional Experience: Democracy and the Marriage Equality Campaign Nan D. Hunter 1662
Community in Conflict: Same-Sex Marriage and Backlash Reva B. Siegel 1728

 

Comments

Rebellious Social Movement Lawyering Against Traffic Court Debt Veryl Pow 1770
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UCLA Law Review Vol. 63, Issue 4

Volume 63, Issue 4 (May 2016)
Articles

Accidents of Federalism: Ratemaking and Policy Innovation in Public Utility Law William Boyd & Ann E. Carlson 810
Protecting Disfavored Minorities: Toward Institutional Realism Joy Milligan 894
Insider Trading and Market Structure Yesha Yadav 968

 

Comments

Defending Criminal(ized) “Aliens” After Padilla: Towards a More Holistic Public Immigration Defense in the Era of Crimmigration Andrés Dae Keun Kwon 1035
Public-Private Divide in Parker State-Action Immunity Sina Safvati 1110
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UCLA Law Review Vol. 63, Issue 3

Volume 63, Issue 3 (March 2016)
Articles

The System of Equitable Remedies Samuel L. Bray 530
Challenging the “Criminal Alien” Paradigm Angélica Cházaro 594
Plenary Power, Political Questions, and Sovereignty in Indian Affairs Michalyn Steele 666

 

Comments

Calibrating the Eighth Amendment: Graham, Miller, and the Right to Mental Healthcare in Juvenile Prison Sara McDermott 712
Mute and Moot: How Class Action Mootness Procedure Silences Inmates Michele C. Nielsen 760
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UCLA Law Review Vol. 63, Issue 1

Volume 63, Issue 1 (January 2016)
Articles

Navigating Paroline‘s Wake Isra Bhatty 2
Regional Federal Administration Dave Owen 58
Exhausting Patents Wentong Zheng 122

 

Comments

Post-Deportation Remedy and Windsor‘s Promise Kate Shoemaker 168
Forget Congress: Reforming Campaign Finance Through Mutually Assured Destruction Nick Warshaw 208
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The Citizenship Oath

When new American citizens are naturalized, they take the following oath:

I hereby declare, on oath, that I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen; that I will support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States of America against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I will bear arms on behalf of the United States when required by the law; that I will perform noncombatant service in the Armed Forces of the United States when required by the law; that I will perform work of national importance under civilian direction when required by the law; and that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; so help me God.

The first part of the oath strikes me as odd.  Someone who becomes a citizen is not, in fact, required to renounce their prior citizenship–there are lots of dual nationals who are naturalized American citizens.  The second part (about subjecting yourself to the draft or to a noncombatant role) is rather outdated.  And nothing in the oath refers to the actual duties of citizens (serving on juries, paying taxes, etc.)  Perhaps it’s time for a new oath.

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Take Care Tea Leaves

The most interesting aspect of the Court’s certiorari grant in the immigration case yesterday was its decision to add a Question Presented on the constitutionality of the President’s Executive Order.  It strikes me that this is an ominous development if you think that the Order should be upheld.

I think it’s very unlikely that the Court will reach the merits of the claim that the President is violating the Take Care Clause with his immigration/deportation policy.  (Though Justice Thomas might write a separate opinion about this).  But adding this question gives the Court room to execute Chief Justice Roberts’ bread-and-butter play–reading the relevant statutes to avoid a constitutional question by saying that the Order was not authorized by Congress.

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Can We Tolerate Tolerance?  

This is the third in a series of occasional short essays about free speech in America. Earlier installments can be found here and here.

We live in a tolerant society. Of course, that is an exaggeration. But when it comes to so many flashpoint issues – ranging from blasphemy to race-hate speech – we are far more tolerant than almost all other nations, so much so that we are routinely criticized for being too tolerant. It is our badge of honor . . . and dishonor.

Professor Mark Lilla

Professor Mark Lilla

Mindful of the events in France and Denmark earlier this year, I wonder: Will we continue to tolerate toleration if our world takes a terrible turn? My question has less to do with what is being tagged as the “terrorist’s veto” than with a more complex problem, and one therefore even more difficult to resolve. This problem occurred to me when I first read an eye-opening essay by Mark Lilla in the New York Review of Books, an essay entitled “France on Fire.” Here is a very brief excerpt:

“For the past quarter-century a political and intellectual culture war over the place of Islam in French society has been bubbling along, and every few years some event — a student wears a burka to school, riots erupt in a poor neighborhood, a mosque is attacked, the National Front wins a local election — renews hostilities.”

I want to extrapolate from that essay (at once insightful and provocative) in order to outline a phenomenon that may be hurling our way, a phenomenon related to toleration and dissident speech.

Before I do, however, let turn to the glorious side of the toleration equation by way of a well-known case, West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (1943). Recall the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ flag-salute case, the one with that liberty-inspiring majority opinion by Justice Robert Jackson. In words that should be fixed in every lawmaker’s consciousness, Jackson declared: “Those who begin coercive elimination of dissent soon find themselves exterminating dissenters. Compulsory unification of opinion achieves only the unanimity of the graveyard.” The judgment in that case affirming First Amendment freedom is all the more amazing given that it was rendered in wartime and involved a religious sect that was then very much hated in various quarters of American society. (See Shawn Francis Peters, Judging Jehovah’s Witnesses: Religious Persecution and the Dawn of the Rights Revolution (2000).)

The (Hypothetical) Problem

Against that backdrop, imagine the following scenario. Assume that the editors of a respectable libertarian magazine elected to publish several satirical cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad in order to make a First Amendment point and to take a stand against the “terrorist’s veto.” Assume thereafter that the Charlie Hebdo incident replayed itself in Cincinnati (the headquarters of my hypothetical magazine). Ten people who work for the magazine are murdered and two Muslim extremists take credit. Both of the terrorists are later killed in a shootout with police that also results in the deaths of two local police officers.

Here is where I begin to extrapolate from Professor Lilla’s essay. Now assume the following additional scenarios, replete with a few quotations from the Lilla essay”

  1. The Governor of Ohio calls for a moment of mourning with heads bowed on the day following the tragedy (say, the time is 11:00 a.m.);
  2. A “noticeable number” of Muslim public high school students in Cincinnati refuse, on religious and political grounds, to bow their heads;
  3. “And not only that. Some [tell] their teachers that the victims got what they deserved because no one should be allowed to mock the Prophet”;
  4. “Others celebrate the killers on social media, and circulate rumors that the entire crisis was manufactured by the government and/or Zionist agents”; and
  5. The parents (some of whom work for state and local governments) of some of these Muslim-American students speak openly (though not at work) to defend their children and endorse the positions they took.

Note that the Muslim-Americans in the above scenarios were otherwise peaceful and law abiding. And some Muslim-American leaders sought to counteract the messages of the violent extremists among them. That said, let me stir the pot a bit more with a few more scenarios and related questions:

  1. So far as government entities are involved, how far are we willing to go to accommodate (culturally, statutorily, and constitutionally) the religious views of the more observant and separatist Muslim-Americans who harbor what we would see as extreme views concerning homosexuality, female purity, and Jews and Israel?
  2. Finally, let me again from quote Professor Lilla to raise a final question: Some “students and their parents demand separate swimming hours or refuse to let their children go on school trips where the sexes might mix. . . . There are fathers who won’t shake hands with female teachers, or let their wives speak alone to male teachers. There are cases of children refusing to sing, or dance, or learn an instrument, or draw a face, or use a mathematical symbol that resembles a cross. The question of dress and social mixing has led to the abandonment of gym classes in many places. Children also feel emboldened to refuse to read authors or books that they find religiously unacceptable: Rousseau, Molière, and Madame Bovary. Certain subjects are taboo: evolution, sex ed, the Shoah. As one father told a teacher, ‘I forbid you to mention Jesus to my son.’” Does our commitment to religious freedom extend that far so as to accommodate the genuine religious views of those who hold them?

Let me be clear: I do not mean to demean Muslim-Americans as a class, nor do I wish to be understood as saying the above scenarios mirror the sentiments of most Muslim-Americans . I trust they are not. Then again, I may disagree with some of them, and sometimes vigorously, on several of the issues flagged above. But I also believe in toleration, and the ever-present need to be sensitive to the plight of minorities of all ideological, political, and religious stripes.

So where does that leave us?

Testing Our Tolerance Read More

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UCLA Law Review Vol. 62, Issue 3

Volume 62, Issue 3 (March 2015)
Articles

Fixing Public Sector Finances: The Accounting and Reporting Lever James Naughton & Holger Spamann 572
Less Enforcement, More Compliance: Rethinking Unauthorized Migration Emily Ryo 622
Decriminalization, Police Authority, and Routine Traffic Stops Jordan Blair Woods 672

 

Comments

Not Whether Machines Think, But Whether Men Do Jane Stack 760
Fighting for a Place Called Home: Litigation Strategies for Challenging Gentrification Hannah Weinstein 794