Category: General Law


FAN 129 (First Amendment News) A 10-year chronology: Trump’s lawsuits & threatened ones involving freedom of speech & press

In light of Donald Trump’s continued threats of lawsuits implicating First Amendment rights, I thought it might be useful to begin to collect news stories and other information related to such matters. The editors at USA Today did something similar, albeit on a much larger scale, when they listed and analyzed some 3,500 legal actions by and against Mr. Trump (June 1, 2016). “Say something bad about Donald Trump and he will frequently threaten to go to court. ‘I’ll sue you’ was a Trump mantra long before ‘Build a wall.'”

Threats rarely realized: In a July 11, 2016, story, USA Today also reported that “an analysis of about 4,000 lawsuits filed by and against Trump and his companies shows that he rarely follows through with lawsuits over people’s words. He has won only one such case, and the ultimate disposition of that is in dispute.” (Itals added)

“The Republican presidential candidate,”added the USA Today story, “has threatened political ad-makers, a rapper, documentary filmmakers, a Palm Beach civic club’s newsletter and the Better Business Bureau for lowering its rating of Trump University. He’s vowed to sue multiple news organizations including The New York TimesThe Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post and USA TODAY. He didn’t follow through with any of those, though he did sue comedian Bill Maher, an author over a single line in a 276-page book, and Miss Pennsylvania.”

Earlier threats: “In 1978, the Village Voice reported Trump threatened to sue one of its journalists. In 1990, the Wall Street Journal said the same happened to reporter Neil Barsky for reporting on Trump’s business record.”

“Trump’s lawyers threatened to sue USA TODAY in 2012 over a column by newspaper founder Al Neuharth which branded Trump a ‘clown,’ noted his casino bankruptcy and said his Trump-branded skyscraper in Tampa never materialized and was a ‘parking lot.’ At the end of the column was a response from Trump because, as was Neuharth’s custom, he sent his columns to those mentioned and gave them a chance to respond right next to his words. In this case, Trump’s ended with a trademark: ‘Neuharth is a total loser!’ Still, a Trump attorney threatened a lawsuit over a series of telephone calls. Trump never sued.” [Source here]

Last lawsuit against a media outlet: “The last time [Mr. Trump] sued a news organization for libel was apparently in 1984. Trump filed the case after the Chicago Tribune’s architecture critic called his proposed 150-story Manhattan skyscraper an ‘atrocious, ugly monstrosity.’ In 1985, a federal judge in Manhattan dismissed the suit, ruling the critic had a First Amendment right to express his opinion. The skyscraper was never built.” [Source: Reuters, October 14, 2016] (See below re September 2016 lawsuit filed by Ms. Melania Trump) 

The threat of litigation by “well-funded plaintiffs” 

Here is a recent comment from Floyd Abrams: “If a bar association article critical of Mr. Trump must be watered down for fear of litigation, what impact on those who do not have lawyers at hand to defend them can be expected?”

“The costs of defending litigations against well-funded plaintiffs can be overwhelming. And the risks of losing such litigations in an atmosphere in which the nation is so deeply divided are accentuated. These are dangerous times.”

Countersuits: Suing Trump for Defamation? 

Diana Falzone, Donald Trump’s accusers could countersue candidate for defamation, lawyers say, Fox News, Oct. 25, 2016

* * * *

In the weeks and months ahead, I plan to post more on this matter with the hope that it will prompt dialogue and debate. Meanwhile, the items listed below provide some backdrop.


Despite his advocacy for restricting freedom of speech in the United States, Trump said his is a “tremendous believer of the freedom of the press.” (Think Progress, Oct. 24, 2016)

(Credit: Ethan Miller/Getty Images)

(Credit: Ethan Miller/Getty Images)

October 23, 2016: Donald Trumps threatens to sue sexual misconduct accusers: “All of these liars will be sued once the election is over,” Mr. Trump said at a rally in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. “I look so forward to doing that.” (video here)

“It’s a way to defend himself, and remind everybody what he has said many times, which is none of this is true,” campaign manager Kellyanne Conway said Sunday on NBC’s Meet The Press. “They’re fabrications, they’re all lies.”

Also, in a recorded interview (video here) Mr. Trump declared: “Our press is allowed to say whatever they want and get away with it. And I think we should go to a system where if they do something wrong . . . . I’m a big believer tremendous believer of the freedom of the press. Nobody believes it stronger than me but if they make terrible, terrible mistakes and those mistakes are made on purpose to injure people. I’m not just talking about me I’m talking anybody else then yes, i think you should have the ability to sue them.”

Pro Bono Offers to Defend Against Defamation Suits Read More


Donald Trump as an Anti-Precedent

One way in which constitutional law makes lemonade out of lemons is through the concept of an anti-canon. In other words, lawyers and judges hold up certain cases or events as precedents for what NOT to do.  Law is unusual in emphasizing these disasters. In an English class, students don’t read bad books to understand how to write good ones.  In law classes, though, we spend a lot of time thinking about cases such as Dred ScottPlessyLochner, and Buck v. Bell  to understand how they went so wrong and what we can learn from them.

I wonder if Donald Trump will become a sort of anti-precedent for politics.  In other words, people may look back on this election and say for years to come things like “You can’t say that–you’ll end up like Trump” or “That guy is just like Trump,” or “that proposal sounds just like Trump.” In part the meaning of Trump’s candidacy will depend on how much he loses by and what he does after the election, but my point is that he might end up reinforcing or strengthening many of the norms that he is now flouting.


FAN 128.1 (First Amendment News) Tribe & others form pro bono phalanx to defend against Trump’s threatened defamation lawsuits

It is about time that the use of lawsuit threats by a bully, like Trump, should be met, and met strongly. — Laurence Tribe 

Theodore Boutrous, Jr.

Theodore Boutrous, Jr.

It all began with Theodore Boutrous, Jr. According to Law Newz, “on October 13, Boutrous sent out a tweet promising to a pro bono defense to the Palm Beach Post newspaper after it published a story from one of Trump’s alleged accusers.” And then on October 22, he tweeted: “I repeat: I will represent pro bono anyone  sues for exercising their free speech rights. Many other lawyers have offered to join me.”

Shortly afterwards one of those who offered to form pro bono phalanx to defend against Trump’s threatened defamation lawsuits was  Harvard Professor Laurence Tribe.

Professor Laurence Tribe

Professor Laurence Tribe

Last evening Professor Tribe appeared on The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell (MSNBC). Tribe was on the program to talk about recent threats by Donald Trump to sue his sexual misconduct accusers: “All of these liars will be sued once the election is over,” Mr. Trump said at a rally in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. “I look so forward to doing that.” (video here)

Here are some transcribed excerpts from Professor Tribe’s comments in response to that threat:

Offer of pro bono assistance

“Ted Boutrous and Ben Wittes, and many other leading lawyers, have [offered to represent pro bono those alleging sexual misconduct against Donald Trump]. And I did it because it is about time that the use of lawsuit threats by a bully, like Trump, should be met – and met strongly – because a lot of people, a lot of women, might be deterred by his threats even though he often doesn’t carry them out. They might be afraid to come forward; it’s not only them, it’s all kinds of groups. A group that I am also ready to defend pro bono, although it may sound a little bit strange, is the American Bar Association, which was frightened into suppressing its own report by a free-speech watchdog group, which concluded that Trump used the threats of libel suits to bully people into submission. And they ended up censoring themselves because they were afraid of being sued.” [See Adam Liptak, Fearing Trump, Bar Association Stifles Report Calling Him a ‘Libel Bully’, New York Times, Oct. 24, 2016; see also Susan E. Seager, Donald J. Trump Is A Libel Bully But Also A Libel Loser, Media Law Resource Center, Oct. 21, 2016]

“It’s really about time that people who know what they are talking about in the law tell this guy what an idiot he is and how unfair it is for him to use his power. . . . He says that he can just sue the hell out of anybody. [But] he’s gonna learn better than that when he tries. . . . “

“[T]he women who are afraid to come forward should know that lawyers like me are going to be willing to defend them and the journalists who reported their stories without charge. . . .”

Possible defamation suits against Trump

“All of the people [Trump] threatens to sue, without any real ground and in the face of the First Amendment, have strong grounds to sue him for deliberately and falsely labeling them as liars and as people who simply want – I think he called it — their ten minutes of fame . . . .”

Course of action if Trump wins

“Justice Brennan in a case called Garrison, pointed out that the way the Nazis, early in their rise to power, silenced their enemies and their opposition was to threating to use defamation lawsuits against them. But I do want to want to add, quite apart from these lawsuits, if Trump loses (as I hope he will) we won’t have to take the next step. But if he should happen to win (heaven forbid!) . . . then lawyers around the country, who are joining me in this effort, are going to do all we can, pro bono, to prevent him from abusing executive power by violating the First Amendment and much else in the Constitution. Because if he wins, he’s likely to take a Congress with him; he’s not likely to have the usual checks-and-balances. So, the legal profession has a challenge that I hope it can meet. I think that people who are lawyers . . . , in the best sense of the word, need to step up and call this tyrant for what he is.”

Coming: Tomorrow’s FAN post is titled: “A 10-year chronology: Trump’s lawsuits & threatened ones involving freedom of speech & press”


Should President Clinton Nominate Merrick Garland for the Court?

With all due respect to Yogi Berra, I’m going to talk about one of the first major decisions that President Clinton will have to make. (I say “have to make” because I doubt that the Senate will confirm Judge Garland in the lame-duck session.  If they do, though, then never mind.)

One factor is whether Republicans or Democrats control the Senate next year.  If the GOP retains control, then the argument for nominating Garland again gets stronger, as he is easily confirmable in a non-election year.  If Democrats win the Senate, though, then the choice is more difficult.  The President could nominate a younger and more liberal judge, or perhaps go for younger and more diverse in some sense.  Why stick with Garland?

I suppose one answer is that Judge Garland is being treated badly and not nominating him next year would be, well, treating him even worse. Nevertheless, there is no vested right in a nomination of this sort from President to President (even of the same party). There is also the thought that even with a Democratic Senate the President may not want her first Supreme Court nomination to cause a fight.  She is almost certain (you would think) to get at least one more vacancy, and maybe that is the time for a different pick.

A contrary case could be made, though, that by making that different pick now the President would discourage Senators from repeating the Garland precedent. Picking Garland again basically says to the Senate that there is no real cost to imposing a presidential election year blockade. If someone else gets picked who is worse from the Senate’s point of view, future Senators might say “See, that strategy backfired. Don’t do that again.”

But is this true?  By the time another Justice dies in a presidential year when the Senate and White House are controlled by different parties, we might all be dead.  Will anyone really care about the Garland precedent except for some historians?  Seems doubtful.

Anyway, let’s revisit this after Election Day and see where the Senate stands.


Advice on Legal Book Publishing

Opinion Poll on Behalf of Younger Colleague Ready to Publish First Casebook in First Year Course.

Suppose offers of publication by the following publishers. What’s the order of ranking, assuming all terms are equal?

Aspen, Carolina, or West?

Please feel free either to leave comment or send me an email []


FAN 128 (First Amendment News) Ten States Buttress High School Students’ Press Rights — Extend Protection Beyond Hazelwood Ruling

The majority opinion written by Justice White . . . announced a new category of speech — “school sponsored” — and a new [and] highly deferential standard for evaluating censorship of that kind of speech. . . . Justice White had originally wanted to go even further in expanding school officials’ authority. A draft opinion he circulated among the Justices would have permitted censorship unless it was “wholly arbitrary . . . .”  –Catherine J. RossLessons in Censorship (2015) 

Many who follow free speech law probably think a student journalist’s rights begin and end with the Court’s ruling in Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier (1988). In his majority opinion in Hazelwood ( the vote was 5-3), Justice Byron White declared that “educators do not offend the First Amendment by exercising editorial control over the style and content of student speech in school-sponsored expressive activities so long as their actions are reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.” Of course, by that judicial norm the power to censor was virtually unlimited.

But that is changing thanks to our brand of rights-enhancing federalism by which states can often recognize a greater measure of rights than those accorded under federal law.


Enter the New Voices campaign (FB page), a student-powered grassroots movement spearheaded by the Student Press Law Center. The campaign’s objective is to “give young people the legally protected right to gather information and share ideas about issues of public concern. To that end, the Center has worked “with advocates in law, education, journalism and civics to make schools and colleges more welcoming places for student voices.”

Jonathan Peters, How a new campaign is trying to strengthen the rights of student journalists, Columbia Journalism Review (Feb. 19, 2016)

“New Voices USA is a network of state-by-state campaigns to pass anti-censorship legislation that will grant extra protections to student journalists. The movement is inspired by the success in North Dakota, where in 2015, the state legislature unanimously passed a bill that ensures the free-speech rights of journalism students in public schools and colleges.”

Ten States Expand Student Press Rights (statutory rights)

  1. North Dakota (public colleges & high schools)
  2. Colorado 
  3. Pennsylvania 
  4. Iowa
  5. Kansas
  6. Arkansas 
  7. California
  8. Oregon
  9. Maryland (public colleges & high schools)
  10. Illinois (public colleges & high schools)

“It’s anomalous that high school students in a number of states have greater statutory protection than college students. That is a product of the initial belief post-Hazelwood that the ruling could never realistically be applied at the collegiate level; the first wave of statutory fixes logically addressed itself only to K-12 schools. Little did anyone suspect that four circuits (so far) would embrace Hazelwood as applying at all levels of schooling, and so the succeeding generation has addressed that “rights gap.” — Frank LoMonte


  • Oregon (protection for public college students)
  • California (protection private college students)
  • New Jersey (pending legislation: public colleges & high schools)

 Ryan Tarinelli, U.S. Sen. Heidi Heitkamp speaks on the Senate floor in support of student free speech, New Voices, March 11, 2016 (YouTube video here)

→ American Society of News Editors Resolution in Support of Legal Protection for Student Journalists and Advisers (2016)

→ Society of Professional Journalists: Resolution No. 4: In support of enhanced protections for student journalists (2015)

Is downloading hacked Clinton e-mails a crime? Read More


Recess Appointments for Supreme Court Justices

Here’s a puzzle I was thinking about.  Suppose the President makes a recess appointment to the Supreme Court.  The appointment is challenged by someone with standing who cites Noel Canning.  During the pendency of the litigation, odds are that the challenged person would sit on the Court (you could conjure a scenario where there’s an adverse decision and no stay, but that seems doubtful).  Suppose at the end of that process, the remaining eight Justices rule that the recess appointment was invalid.  What would happen to the decisions made in which the recess Justice was the decisive vote?  Moreover, wouldn’t the recess appointment likely expire before the Supreme Court could even rule?  Would that make the case moot?

UPDATE: Here’s another problem. Wouldn’t all of the Justices have to recuse from deciding on the eligibility of someone that they had sat on cases with?


More Speech — A First Amendment Salon Occasional Paper: Bruce Johnson on Volokh & the “Speech Integral to Criminal Conduct” Exception

This is the first in the “More Speech” series of Occasional Papers to be circulated by the First Amendment Salon and the Floyd Abrams Institute for Freedom of Expression. The purpose of these More Speech papers is to introduce the practicing First Amendment bar to some new and important scholarly work that might be useful in litigation. Thus, we will invite a noted First Amendment lawyer to write a foreword to a particular scholarly article. By the same token, from time to time we will invite a noted First Amendment scholar to write a foreword to some important appellate brief, which we think might be of interest to the academic community. In this way, among others, we hope to enhance the communication between the practicing bar and the legal academy (and among journalists and activists, too).     

* *  * *

The Giboney Resurrection: A Civil Practitioner Considers the “Speech Integral to Criminal Conduct” Exception

By Bruce E. H. Johnson

Where does free speech end, and crime begin? This is an old legal question in American law; it stretches back to the beginnings of the Republic, and even earlier.[1]

Bruce Johnson

Bruce Johnson

Early on, the federal prosecutions under the Sedition Act and similar state libel prosecutions – such as People v. Croswell[2] defended by Alexander Hamilton – cited to Lord Coke and spoke “of a libel, as having a tendency to break the peace.” In such cases the courts confronted cause and possible effect (‘tendency”) to evaluate what defenses would be allowed to avoid criminal liability for allegedly libelous speech.

In recent years, however, at least since New York Times Co. v. Sullivan[3] and Garrison v. Louisiana,[4] defamation lawyers have generally focused on First Amendment protections from civil liability. During more than five decades, First Amendment litigation has mostly moved on, freed from its criminal law origins. In the process, civil liability for free speech activities has become detached from the historic criminal law principles that were the subject of debate and litigation in the 1790s and thereafter. This is because, recognizing that the “erroneous statement is inevitable in free debate, and that it must be protected if the freedoms of expression are to have the ‘breathing space’ that they ‘need … to survive,’”[5] Sullivan and its progeny developed constitutional rules applying free speech protections.

In his new article[6] UCLA Law Professor Eugene Volokh reminds us that, excluding modern defamation law, this “tendency” analysis remains key in evaluating unusual governmental limitations on free speech protections. Indeed, under the Roberts Court, a new category of unprotected speech has quietly been added to the historic list of First Amendment “exceptions” recognized in Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire.[7]

As Professor Volokh notes, this is a recent development, and potentially very troubling. When the Supreme Court decided United States v. Stevens[8] and United States v. Alvarez,[9] First Amendment advocates were generally pleased. In both cases, citing the First Amendment, the Court struck down the application of a federal criminal law to activities that were plainly speech or speech-related.

Professor Eugene Volokh

Professor Eugene Volokh

Neither case presented great facts.[10] Stevens involved so-called “crush videos,” while Alvarez construed the constitutionality of the Stolen Valor Act, a federal law that criminalized false statements about having a military medal, with the Justices voting 6-3 to hold the law unconstitutional as applied. In his plurality opinion, Justice Anthony Kennedy ruled that “[t]he Government has not demonstrated that false statements generally should constitute a new category of unprotected speech.”

But, in both cases, the Court, when listing the usual collection of well-recognized Chaplinsky “categories,” added “a long-dormant and little defined First Amendment exception: the exception for ‘speech integral to criminal [or tortious] conduct,’” and included a citation to Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice Co.[11] as the leading case supporting that exception. In another decision, Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc.[12] – a “commercial speech” case holding unconstitutional a Vermont law that “restricts the sale, disclosure, and use of pharmacy records that reveal the prescribing practices of individual doctors” – the Court also cited Giboney in listing the categories of speech that were excluded from the First Amendment.[13]

According to Professor Volokh, Giboney “hadn’t been cited by the Court at all from 1991 to 2005,” but since 2006, “the Court has cited Giboney six times” and its exception for speech integral to criminal conduct “is now a standard item on lists of First Amendment exceptions.” In his view, the reliance on Giboney is a product of the Roberts Court. That is, both Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Scalia sought to avoid “categorical balancing” tests and instead embraced a constitutional doctrine supposedly rooted “in history and tradition.” With apologies to Van Wyck Brooks,[14] it is clear that Giboney was attractive because it offered a usable past to several Justices with originalist tendencies. Read More


FAN 127.1 (First Amendment News) Trump lawyer to NYT: We will “pursue all available actions” — NYT lawyer: “we welcome the opportunity” to go to court

Given all the talk in the news about the election and the prospect of lawsuits against the press, I have collected several items to help shed additional light on the matter.  

* *  * * 

Alan Rappeport, Trump Threatens to Sue The Times Over Article on Unwanted Advances, NYT, Oct. 13, 2016

NYT Counsel Responds 

David McCraw

David McCraw

In a letter to one of Trump’s attorneys, Marc E. Kasowitz, sent Thursday, New York Times general counsel David McCraw wrote: “The essence of a libel claim, of course, is the protection of one’s reputation. Mr. Trump has bragged about his non-consensual sexual touching of women. He has bragged about intruding on beauty pageant contestants in their dressing rooms. He acquiesced to a radio host’s request to discuss Mr. Trump’s own daughter as a ‘piece of ass.’ Multiple women not mentioned in our article have publicly come forward to report on Mr. Trump’s unwanted advances. Nothing in our article has had the slightest effect on the reputation that Mr. Trump, through his own words and actions, has already created for himself.'”

“But there is a larger and much more important point here. The women quoted in our story spoke out on an issue of national importance — indeed, an issue that Mr. Trump himself discussed with the whole nation watching during Sunday night’s presidential debate. Our reporters diligently worked to confirm the women’s accounts. They provided readers with Mr. Trump’s response, including his forceful denial of the woemn’s reports. It would have been a disservice not just to our readers but to democracy itself to silence their voices. We did what the law allows: We published newsworthy information about a subject of deep public concern. If Mr. Trump disagrees, if he believes that American citizens had no right to hear what these women had to say and that the law of this country forces us and those who would dare to criticize him to stand silent or be punished, we welcome the opportunity to have a court set him straight.”

See also Tessa Berenson & Charlotte Alter, Here’s Everything You Need to Know About the Sexual Allegations Against Donald Trump, Time, Oct. 13, 2016

* * * * 

According to CNN: “Trump said at a Thursday afternoon rally in Florida that “we are preparing” a suit against The Times.”

“‘NYT editors, reporters, politically motivated accusers better lawyer up,’ a Trump campaign official said.”

Headline: “Trump Can Sue for Defamation, but Proving It is a Different Story”

In the Wall St. Journal Jacob Gershman reports: “[F]rom a legal standpoint, Mr. Trump could have a very hard time proving libel in court should his lawyers actually follow through with a lawsuit.

Dean Ken Paulson

Dean Ken Paulson

“‘Donald Trump is pretty much libel-proof,’ First Amendment expert Ken Paulson told Law Blog.”

“That’s because libel law sets much higher standards of proof for plaintiffs who are famous people or public officials. When it comes to defamation litigation, public figures like Mr. Trump have to establish that not only a statement was false and defamatory, but also published with actual malice.”

“That means the publication either knew the allegedly defamatory statements to be false before publishing them or published them with a reckless disregard for the truth.”

“‘[I]t’s hard to conceive of more of a public figure than someone running for the most powerful job in the world on a major party ticket,’ said Mr. Paulson, dean of the College of Media and Entertainment at Middle Tennessee State University. . . .”

See also Paul Farhi & Robert Barnes, A Trump libel suit against the Times? Don’t count on it succeeding, Washington Post, Oct. 13, 2016

Trump & Spokesperson Reply Read More


Roundup: Law and Humanities 10.13.2016

In somewhat of an October surprise, the Swedish Academy has announced the award of the Nobel Prize for Literature to singer-songwriter Bob Dylan. Law and humanities mavens, take note: scholars and commentators have been examining Laureate Dylan’s work for links to the law for some time.

The New York Times’ Adam Liptak surveyed the uses of Bob Dylan lyrics in judicial opinions here, listing some here.

Some lawprofs have written about Mr. Dylan’s use of law and legal themes. Here are some examples.

Adam Gearey, Outlaw Blues: Law in the Songs of Bob Dylan, 20 Cardozo Law Review 1401 (1998/1999).

Matthew McNeil, The First Amendment Out on Highway 61: Bob Dylan, RLUIPA, and the Problem with Emerging Postmodern Religion Clauses Jurisprudence, 65 Ohio State Law Journal 1021 (2004).


See also music scholar James Dunlap, Through the Eyes of Tom Joad: Patterns of American Idealism, Bob Dylan, and the Folk Protest Movement, 29 Popular Music and Society 549 (2006).


The Fordham Urban Law Journal devotes an entire issue to Bob Dylan and the law (38 Fordham Urban Law Journal 2010-2011). The issue includes (complete with poetic titles):

Samuel J. Levine, Foreword, at 1267.

Louise Harmon, Bob Dylan on Lenny Bruce: More of an Outlaw Than You Ever Were, at 1287.

Renee Newman Knake,  Why the Law Needs Music: Revisiting NAACP v. Button Through the Songs of Bob Dylan, at 1303.

Randy Lee, Bob Dylan’s Lawyers, a Dark Day in Luzerne County, and Learning to Take Legal Ethics Seriously, at 1323.

Alex B. Long, The Freewheeling’ Judiciary: A Bob Dylan Anthology, at 1363.

Alex Lubet, Arrested Development: Bob Dylan, Held for Questioning Under Suspicion of “Autism,” at 1385.

Michael Perlin, Tangled Up in the Law: The Jurisprudence of Bob Dylan, at 1395.

Laurie Serafino, Life Cycles of American Legal History Through Bob Dylan’s Eyes, at 1431.

Abbe Smith, “No Older ‘N Seventeen”: Defending in Dylan County, at 1471.

Richard H. Underwood, When the Law Doesn’t Work, at 1495.

David M. Zornow, Dylan’s Judgment on Judges: Power and Greed and Corruptible Seed Seem To Be All That There Is, at 1511.


Idealawg discusses some of Mr. Dylan’s lawprof fans here.